Smoking gun #1:”The SPARS Pandemic Scenario,” crafted in 2017, foretells EXACTLY all that we’ve been going through

Johns Hopkins, and the syndicate behind it, either had remarkable prophetic powers, or this war plan was already in the works some three years prior to Event 201. That it was realized last year, and not in 2025, as planned in this “scenario,” suggests the possibility that something—an accidental leak in Wuhan, and/or a looming Western economic crash—may have compelled the rollout earlier than expected. Time will tell (or maybe not).

In any case, there is no question that this document illuminates the icy calculation of those interests that have mounted an unprecedented global propaganda drive against all who have, in one way or another, resisted the imperatives of this “pandemic,” or even questioned it. This “scenario” is essentially a propaganda how-to for the syndicate’s vast manipulative army, envisioning the enemy as a (literally) dark alliance of Muslims, blacks, practitioners of alternative medicine, and (above all) anti-vaxxers:

Early on in the Corovax vaccination campaign, anti-vaccination groups began emerging on social media platforms. These groups initially came from four primary sources: Muslim groups across the country, who opposed the vaccine on the basis that the original formulation was used to treat pigs; African Americans, who refused vaccination based on continued fear of governmental experimentation on African American populations; alternative medicine proponents, who had also been active in campaigning against Kalocivir; and anti-vaccination activists, who were galvanized by the anti-anti-vaccination sentiment associated with the nationwide measles outbreak in 2015 (p. 43).

The scenarists focus their attention on the “anti-vaccination activists,” whom they predict will soon become a powerful counter-force online:

With the exception of this last group, none of the anti-vaccination movements were cohesively organized initially, existing primarily in small, isolated pockets across the country. The general anti-vaccination proponents, however, existed as a core, national group long before the SPARS pandemic. Following the 2015 measles outbreak in the United States, this group united online. By 2016, they had created several primary Facebook groups and numerous Twitter accounts and began using hashtags like #NoVaccines4Me and #VaccinesKill. The anti-vaccination movement migrated to ZapQ upon its emergence in 2022 due to its ability to combine feeds from across multiple platforms, including realtime text, picture, and video messages from members as well as select traditional media posts such as videos, texts, or streaming news feeds on a single interface that could be used on IAT and other mobile platforms. Additionally, through their ability to control group membership, these groups ensured that they would not be exposed to pro-vaccine “propaganda” [note the scare quotes] from pharmaceutical companies, the federal government, or public health or medical authorities. By 2026, many core members of the anti-vaccine movement obtained their national news almost exclusively from anti-vaccine ZapQ sites (p. 51).

Thus that “core” of activists will grow into an “anti-vaccination super-group” (p. 54) via platforms like Facebook and Twitter, while those other factions each will keep up its resistance to the “Corovax” campaign. All such obstructions must be overcome (if not destroyed) through methods that the playbook veils in euphemism:


1) What are the respective roles and responsibilities of local, state, and federal health authorities before and during a MCM [medical counter-measures] campaign to understand different audience segments and to develop messages that address their concerns? 

2) What communication strategies might be effective for breaking into, and engaging with otherwise self-isolating groups who oppose a recommended MCM like Corovax and might be placing themselves and others at risk during the outbreak? 

3) What kinds of pre-crisis partnerships and alliances with intermediary groups and/or opinion leaders might have helped to reduce the likelihood and mitigate the impact of anti-Corovax sentiments among specific minority groups?

One could easily devote an hour or two in (say) a propaganda course to the translation of that eye-glazing bureaucratese into plain English. Suffice it to say here that those “communication strategies” and “pre-crisis partnerships and alliances” would certainly include the syndicate’s success at turning Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and Instagram, as well as Google overall, into an online Ministry of Truth, blocking, erasing, “fact-checking” and/or burying all dissident material, while also relentlessly highlighting virulent counter-factual attacks on those “anti-vaccination ZapQ sites,” and anyone and everyone associated with them. 

In other words, this four-year-old “scenario” describes exactly what we’ve all been living through since late January, 2020–an apocalyptic crisis meant to bring on an inhuman world for those of us left living by the time this crisis ends; and so we have to end this crisis, sooner than its authors want, and in a way that favors us, not them.

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