by Cassandra Fairbanks

District Attorney Kari Brandenburg has provided new details in the case of two Albuquerque police officers who are under investigation for brutality after allegedly beating a homeless man on March 20. According to Brandenburg, the person who reported the assault was a police cadet who has since resigned.

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by Jonathan Spicer

(Reuters) – The New York branch of the U.S. Federal Reserve, wary that a natural disaster or other eventuality could shut down its market operations as it approaches an interest rate hike, has added staff and bulked up its satellite office in Chicago.

Some market technicians have transferred from New York and others were hired at the office housed in the Chicago Fed, according to several people familiar with the build-out that began about two years ago, after Hurricane Sandy struck Manhattan.

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What in the world are the elite up to? In recent days, we have learned that the New York Fed is moving a lot of operations to Chicago because of concerns about what a “natural disaster” could do, the federal government is buying 62 million rounds of ammunition commonly used in AR-15 semi-automatic rifles for “training” purposes, and NORAD is moving back into Cheyenne Mountain because it is “EMP-hardened”. In addition, government authorities have scheduled a whole host of unusual “training exercises” all over the nation. So are the elite doing all of this in order to prepare for something really BIG, or should we just chalk up all of this strange activity to rampant government paranoia?

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by Steve Watson

Documents obtained by CNN reveal that the Missouri National Guard referred to Americans in Ferguson as ‘enemy forces’ and adversaries’ in briefings as they prepared to quell protests.

The internal briefing documents, secured under a Freedom of Information Act request, reveal that the National Guard, called in to Ferguson under already tense circumstances, used heavily militarized language to describe protesters, many of whom were merely lawfully executing their First Amendment rights.

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by Kate Briquelet

Two New York University students say officials called security to intimidate them as they were quietly distributing flyers—then demanded one of them withdraw a formal complaint he made about the incident, The Daily Beast has learned. It’s just the latest free-speech crackdown at NYU, which has come under fire in recent months for suppression across its campuses.

Ashwin Gopi, a Ph.D. student at NYU Polytechnic School of Engineering, had been distributing flyers to shed light on educational consultants who snag hefty commissions for recruiting international students—many of whom are considered cash cows for American colleges.

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by Brad Friedman

Virginia has decided to learn what much of the country already knows. The 100% unverifiable touch-screen voting systems they have long been using in their public elections are also 100% hackable.

After ignoring the warnings and using them anyway for more than a decade — and three Presidential elections — a recent incident on Election Day in 2014 led the Commonwealth to finally do what they should have and could have done long ago: test the machines to find out how vulnerable they actually are.

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by Kevin Kruse

In December 1940, as America was emerging from the Great Depression, more than 5,000 industrialists from across the nation made their yearly pilgrimage to the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York City, convening for the annual meeting of the National Association of Manufacturers. The program promised an impressive slate of speakers: titans at General Motors, General Electric, Standard Oil, Mutual Life, and Sears, Roebuck; popular lecturers such as etiquette expert Emily Post and renowned philosopher-historian Will Durant; even FBI director J. Edgar Hoover. Tucked away near the end of the program was a name few knew initially, but one everyone would be talking about by the convention’s end: Reverend James W. Fifield Jr.

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by Robin McKie

It is popularly viewed as one of the greatest environmental success stories of modern times. Exactly 30 years ago, UK scientists announced they had discovered a hole in the ozone layer in the atmosphere above Antarctica.

The hole threatened to spread, allowing increased levels of cancer-causing radiation from the sun to reach the ground. Within a few years of the discovery it was agreed to set up the Montreal Protocol, which banned the manmade chemicals responsible for depleting ozone in the upper atmosphere.

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by Darryl Parks
I had a conversation with a radio station general manager once…my boss. He wasn’t comfortable with the changes I was making to better our station. The station had a big, high powered signal and a modest four share. I said to him, “Given the power and size of the signal, I’ll need to think about how to take it lower than a four share.”

Lucky for me the changes worked. As my wife is one to say, “You sure were a “ballsy” individual back then.” I guess I have mellowed with age.

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NY Times:  “…the law is not being used aggressively enough…”

Former IRT Powerhouse (McKim, Mead & White, 1904), among the nearly 100 sites the

Landmarks Preservation Commission planned to remove from its designation list, still pending

By The Editorial Board of The New York Times
April 17, 2015

New York City’s landmarks preservation law turns 50 on Sunday. Any who doubt its continuing significance should head to the West Side of Manhattan, to the building it came too late to save. Pennsylvania Station in 2015 is a monument to civic suffocation, a basement of low, dust-blackened ceilings, confusing corridors, beer-and-popcorn dealers, yowling buskers and trudging commuters.

Only the dented brasswork on some Long Island Rail Road stairways and some old photos in the Amtrak waiting area point to the half-forgotten memory of something far better that used to occupy the space.

The old Penn Station’s destruction, unthinkable until it happened in 1963, galvanized public support for a law to slow the city’s blistering pace of architectural erasure. But even that crime wasn’t enough; it took the demolition in 1965 of the Brokaw houses, a set of grand old mansions on Fifth Avenue at 79th Street, to propel the bill off Mayor Robert Wagner’s desk and into law. It created a preservation commission with teeth, to guard the city’s memory.

Half a century later, how are those teeth holding up? The answers are contradictory.

 

Thousands of buildings, from brownstones to modernist skyscrapers, irreplaceable historic interiors and entire neighborhoods from Staten Island to the Bronx enjoy the law’s protection. In Manhattan, 27 percent of buildings have landmark status, though the percentage is far lower in the other boroughs.

 

The administration of Mayor Bill de Blasio, while on a mission to make the city denser and taller for affordable housing, says it is committed to finding and saving the architectural legacy citywide. It points to its recent designations, including: a children’s library in Brownsville, Tudor Revival townhouses in Flatbush and early 20th-century working-class housing in Ridgewood.

 

Despite these successes, the law is not being used aggressively enough, has never met its potential, and has let too many precious buildings languish or be leveled while saving architectural mediocrities. The Landmarks Preservation Commission, with one of the tiniest budgets and staffs of any city agency, has had a bush-league reputation. Mr. de Blasio and his landmarks chairwoman, Meenakshi Srinivasan, have pledged to revitalize it, but have not yet shown how they will reconcile the commission’s mission with the administration’s broader goals of enhancing equality and diversity in the flesh-and-blood city.

 

Real estate developers remain a potent enemy of historic preservation, while the commission struggles with improving day-to-day efficiency. It spends nearly half its time handling paperwork for existing landmarks, and it operates under a bureaucratic conundrum: The more landmarks it makes, the more work it has. How it will improve its range and effectiveness with limited money -$5.7 million in the 2015 fiscal year – remains uncertain.

 

The city is going to have to live with those contradictions. Demolition can be both evil and essential in New York, as in any great city. Mr. de Blasio is right to seek a blistering pace of new construction, to try to build his way out of the affordable-housing shortage. Preservationists are right to resist him, in pursuit of the ideal – a city where wisdom guides planning, to avoid future lamentation over what we could have saved.

 

Mr. de Blasio has the primary responsibility to make this all work. He appoints the landmarks commission and its leader; it is she who decides what the commission considers. Ms. Srinivasan is a talented architect and planner, though she dismayed preservationists last year by proposing to summarily strike dozens of properties from the commission’s long list of potential landmarks in the name of efficiency. Faced with fury over lack of consultation, she retreated and invited months of public comment.

The administration says the commission has already designated as landmarks almost 1,700 buildings and sites this fiscal year, but some preservationists still say they worry that the administration is not fully committed to the spirit of the preservation law. To prove them wrong, Mr. de Blasio needs to keep the commission adequately funded. Ms. Srinivasan needs to guard the commission’s independence and strengthen its connection to the community. The goal above all should be a city that knows and honors its past, but does not live under glass.

 

That delicate balance was shattered by the wrecking ball at the old Pennsylvania Station. It was “a public object, in the realest sense,” The Nation’s architecture critic once wrote. “Little pieces of thousands of lives can be recalled there.” In the neglected dungeon that replaced it, little pieces of thousands of lives are bruised every day.

 

The landmarks law gains its moral force from the engagement of the public. Ada Louise Huxtable, The Times’s architecture critic whose columns helped awaken the city to the need for a strong preservation law, marveled in 1974 at how swiftly preservation had moved from “an odd and harmless hobby of little old ladies in floppy hats who liked old houses” into what she called “an integral, administrative part of city government dealing with an essential part of the city’s fabric.” An “environmental necessity,” she called it, getting it exactly right.


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